The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. And that's why helping farmers feed their own people -- or nations educate their children and care for the sick -- is not mere charity. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable -- and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. å
ãã¼ãã«å§å¡ä¼æ¸è¨ã²ã¤ã«ã»ã«ã³ãã¹ã¿ãæ°ã¯ãç±³å½ã®ãªãã大統é ã¯å¹³åè³æä¸ã®éã«è¨ãããæå¾
ãå¶ãã¦ã¯ãããªãã£ããã¨èãã¦ãããè³ã¯æ ¸ã®ãªãä¸çã®å®ç¾ã«åããåãçµã¿ã奨å±ããæå³ã®ãã®ã§ãã£ããã«ã³ãã¹ã¿ãæ°ãåé¡§é²ã平忏è¨ãã§è¿°ã¹ãã Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries -- including Norway -- in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us. But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests -- nor the world's -- are served by the denial of human aspirations. That is why I prohibited torture. All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ï¼ãã¼ãã«è³åè³çç±ã¯ï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã®è©ä¾¡ãä½ãï¼ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ãªã®ãï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ã第44代米å½å¤§çµ±é ãéããªãä»»æçµäºã¨ãªãã¾ãããç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½ã®è©ä¾¡ã§ã¯ã¨ã®å£°ãä¸ãã£ã¦ããããã§ãã And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. A gradual evolution of human institutions. It's also why the world must come together to confront climate change. Let me make one final point about the use of force. And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise. ããããè¦ãã°ããªããæ°ãããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ã ããªã©ã¨ã忬æ°ååã§ãæ¡ç¨ããªãã³ã³ãã§ãããã¨ãããåããã æ¿æ²»ã¨ã¯çµæ. What might these practical steps be? There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement -- all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. å¤ãµã¤ãã§ã¯ã©ããªåå¿ãä¸ãã£ã¦ããã®ãããã¤ããç´¹ä»ãã¾ãã ã£ã«ã»ãããã¯ã¼ã¯ãã¨ããæ ç»ã«åãããã¾ããã æ ç»ã«åºã¦ããå°ãã¿ãæã¿ãªããã忥çã¸å¹´é½¢ã®è¿ãå½¼ã ããããä¼ããããæããèªã£ã¦ãã¾ãã Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. ãã¼ãã«è³ããªãç§ã§ãªãï¼ï¼ãã©ã³ãæ°ã䏿ºè¡¨æ ããã³ãã³ï¼åä½èçããã«ã¦ã§ã¼ã®ãã¼ãã«è³å§å¡ä¼ã¯9æ¥ã09å¹´ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãããã©ã¯ã»ãªãã米大統é ï¼48ï¼ã«æä¸ããã¨çºè¡¨ããã We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. Investments in development. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region. This is true in Afghanistan. Billions have been lifted from poverty. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. çãããªãã大統é ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³ã¹ãã¼ãã®æ¾éã覧ã«ãªãã¾ãããï¼ç§ã¯ãåè³ã¹ãã¼ããèãã¦ãã¦ãã§ããé¦ãããããå
容ãããã¾ãã大統é 就任ã®éã®ã¹ã⦠(Applause.). What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. Main We lose our moral compass. That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. ã¢ã¨ã®éã«ç¬¬å次æ¦ç¥å
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使°æ¿ç (Laughter.) Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize -- Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela -- my accomplishments are slight. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy -- but there must be consequences when those things fail. æ¬æ¼èª¬ã¨ãæ ¸ãªãä¸çãã«åããå½é社ä¼ã¸ã®åãããï¼åæï¼"a world without nuclear weapons"ï¼ãè©ä¾¡ããããªããã¯2009å¹´ 10æ9æ¥ã«ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããã And yet too often, these words are ignored. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. ã«ãã ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³æä¸æ¼èª¬ ããã¯ãã¼ã¹ãã¼ãã«ããéå
¬å¼è¨³ã§ãããè±èªã®åæï¼ä»¥ä¸ã®ãªã³ã¯ï¼ã®è使¨©ã¯© the nobel foundation, stockholm, 2017ã«ããã ã§ã«ã»ãªããã«æãç´ãããw(2016.08.07) ãªããã®ãã©ãæ¼èª¬ æ ¸å»çµ¶å®£è¨(2016.05.28) But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest -- because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths -- that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior -- for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. ãã¶ã¼ãã¬ãµ ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ ã¹ãã¼ãä¸é¨æç². But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we're all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. ããã©ã¯ã»ãªãããè¦ã¦ãã ãããå½¼ã¯å®éã«ã¯ä½ãããããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããã 彿彼ã¯å¤§çµ±é ã«å°±ä»»ãã¦ã¾ã 1å¹´ã§ãããã¤ãã®ç´ æ´ãããã¹ãã¼ããããè¦ãç®ãæªããªããããããå®éã«ã¯å½¼ã¯å¹³åã®ããã«ä½ããã¦ããªãã£ãã 2017å¹´1æ10æ¥ã第44代ã¢ã¡ãªã«å¤§çµ±é ããã©ã¯ã»ãªãã大統é ãéä»»ã¹ãã¼ããè¡ãªãã¾ããããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããæ°ã
ã®åç¸¾ãæ®ãã¦ãããªããæ°ããæå¾ã«èªã£ãè¨èãé常ã«ç´ æ´ãã ⦠To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism -- it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | ã®ãã¨ã¯ä»åãªãããå¾ãã®ã¯ããããã¦éåæ°ãä¸åã51ï¼
ã®å¾ç¥¨çã 㣠ããã¨ããããããï¼æ³¨1ï¼ããããæ¥æ¬ã§ã¯å¤§çµ±é åé¸å婿¼èª¬ãcd ããã¯ã¨ ãã¦è¤æ°ã®åºç社ããåºçããããªã©ããã¾ã ã«ãªããã®ã¹ãã¼ãã¸ã®è©ä¾¡ã 人æ°ã¯é«ãã At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease -- the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. We also know that the opposite is true. But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such. >>> ãªãã大統é ã®ä»ã®åè¨ãè¦ã¦ã¿ã >>> å人ã®åè¨ãè¦ã¦ã¿ã. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: ãªãã大統é ã¯8å¹´åã®é¸ææ¦ã®ããããæ°ã
ã®åè¨ãæ®ãã¦ãã¾ãããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ãã2016å¹´8æã«ã¯ç¾å½¹å¤§çµ±é ã§ã¯ããã¦åºå³¶ã訪åããããã§ãã¹ãã¼ããæ®ãã¦ãã¾ãã And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines. But there has been no Third World War. One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict -- filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other. That is a source of our strength. Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. (Not displayed with comment.). Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar, 以åãç§éã¯ã«ã«ã«ãã¿ã§ç ç³ãæã«å
¥ããã®ã«ãã®ãããè¦å´ãã¾ããã For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation's development. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. America's commitment to global security will never waver. I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. æªåé¡ ãªãã ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ æ¼èª¬. I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations -- total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. Strong institutions. | JIN-仁- DVD-BOX 3月発売 », War and Peace in Oslo | The White House What might this evolution look like? That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. ãªãã大統é ã2016å¹´ã«è¡ã£ãåºå³¶ã§ã®ã¹ãã¼ããã¡ã¤ã³ã¨ãããã«ã¼ãã³å¤§çµ±é ã®ãåçæä¸å£°æããã¢ã¤ã¼ã³ãã¯ã¼å¤§çµ±é ã®ãåååã¯å¹³åã®ãããã§ããã¨ããæ¼èª¬ãã±ããã£å¤§çµ±é ã®ãã¢ã¡ãªã«ã³å¤§å¦åæ¥å¼ã§ã®å¹³åæ¼èª¬ãããªãã大統é 就任æ¼èª¬ããªã There's no simple formula here. And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor.